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United Republics of Luxlein
Repúblicas Unidas de Luxlein (Luxerian)
Motto: "Servicio Para El Pueblo" (Luxerian)
Service for the People
Anthem: "Himno Nacional de Luxlein"
Location of Luxlein
in South Terra
and city
Official languagesLuxerian
Ethnic groups
Luxerian (pending)
Irreligious (pending)
GovernmentFederal Semi-Presidential Republic
• President
Maria Sofia Velazquez
To Be Announced
Juan David Ureña
Paola Fernanda Ordóñez
Alonzo Santino González
LegislatureNational Congress
• Upper house
Senate of the Republics
• Lower house
Chamber of Deputies
• Luxus Settlements
2000 BCE
• Feudal Luxlein
1400 CE
• Luxerian Empire
August 2, 1589 CE
• Constitutional Revolution
October 5, 1789 CE
• 1951 Luxerian Coup d'État
April 14, 1951 CE
• Current Constitution
November 5, 1980 CE
780 km2 (300 sq mi)
• Water (%)
• 2016 census
GDP (nominal)2016 estimate
• Total
LXA ₴ 304.4 billion
• Per capita
LXA ₴ 222,722
CurrencyLuxerian Amero (LXA)
Time zoneTET-7
• Summer (DST)
Luxlein Time (LXT, TET-7)
Daylight Savings Observed
Driving sideright
Calling code+45
WC Country CodeLXN
Internet TLD.lx

Luxlein, officially known as the United Republics of Luxlein (Luxerian: Repúblicas Unidas de Luxlein), is a country in the Morata sea. The country's territory is composed of the two large islands of Valdinos and Arriaga, the island of Ferron, and the two smaller islands of Ballester and Sanhueza. The country's capital and largest city is Santangel.

Although its history stretches back thousands of years and the archipelago has been inhabited for centuries by native Luxus peoples, academics believe that the modern-day sovereign state of Luxlein was founded in 1792 by Samuel Olloqui as a unitary presidential constitutional republic.

The country has a long record of multiculturalism and social tolerance, having legalized abortion, prostitution, and human euthanasia, along with maintaining a liberal drug policy. Luxlein abolished the death penalty in 1801, allowed women’s suffrage in 1819, and legalized same-sex marriage in 1883.

Its economy, once heavily dependent on agricultural products and natural resources, has diversified to include sectors such as finance, retail, mining, and tourism. Luxlein introduced social and labor-market reforms in the early 19th century that created the basis for the present welfare state model with a mixed economy, providing universal health care and tertiary education for its citizens. The welfare state model was discontinued during the years Luxlein was ruled by the military dictatorship but was restored after the Revolution of Dignity in 1976. Over the years, the country has become a major financial hub and has been identified as a tax haven. The biological diversity and warm tropical climate make Luxlein an increasingly popular tourist destination.

Luxlein is currently a federal multi-party semi-presidential constitutional republic. Following the Revolution of Dignity in 1976, the country largely ceased to be an authoritarian state. However, corruption and political scandals remained a major concern under the then-President Emmanuel Alejandro Ferrant. While elections are considered generally free and fair, the Luxerian Democratic Party has ruled continuously since the country’s return to democracy in 1980. However, with the resignation of President Ferrant and his prosecution by the International Chancellery of Justice, academics agree that the rise of Acting President Maria Sofia Velazquez will give Luxlein a new direction. The Presidency of Velazquez has been looking to further the embrace of democratic reform and to put an end to the remnants of the Military Dictatorship that continue to resist democratic reforms.

Luxlein is a founding member of the World Congress, an initiative long championed by successive Luxerian administrations. It hosts the World Congress and the International Chancellery of Justice in Santangel.


According to local historiography, the origins of the modern name Luxlein are uncertain, although the Luxus people referred to the archipelago as Lujos. There have been several accounts and hypotheses of its origins. The most acknowledged one within academic circles was proposed by the scholar Gonzalo Yáñez, who proposed that the word Luxlein derived from the use of the term Luxus, the ethnolinguistic group of indigenous peoples that were the first to settle in the archipelago. Over time, the Luxus became the Luxuria, who then became the Luxurie, which then led to the modern-day demonym Luxerian.


Early History

Archeological evidence establishes that the history of Luxlein began with the settlement of the archipelago of Luxlein by the Luxus people between 3,000 and 2,000 BC. This is known thanks to the study of flint or flint stone tools used by the first inhabitants of the island. It is widely believed that the first people called the Luxus people, settled on the island that we now know today as Arriaga. From there they traveled to the other islands, and in each one, they established villages and dedicated themselves to hunting and gathering food. Over time, they occupied the archipelago. Around the year 600, the Luxus people experienced a demographic development that turned them into a unified culture. Between the 7th and 11th centuries, the Luxus people began to form larger communities and build a flourishing civilization. The native groups were as diverse as the environments in which they lived. The archipelago provided a variety of different ways of life, from nomadic to the kind of fixed, nonmigratory life of farming communities.

Different societies and communities began to pop up within the islands, naming their home as Lujos. Although no two island societies were alike, many did share certain cultural traits. Patterns of trade, attitudes toward land use, and certain social values were common to these cultures. Trade was one of the biggest factors in bringing Luxus people into contact with one another. As tribes established permanent settlements, many of these settlements became well-known for specific products and skills. Some mastered whaling. Others collected fruit. A few made pottery. These items, and many more, were traded both locally and long distance. They began trading many things, but the land was not one of them. They regarded the land as the source of life, not as a commodity to be sold. They disturbed the land only for the most important activities, such as food gathering or farming.

Bonds of kinship, or strong ties among family members, ensured the continuation of tribal customs. Elders instructed the young. In exchange, the young honored the elders and their departed ancestors. The tasks assigned to men and women varied between islands. In some of the islands, the women owned the household items, and families traced their ancestry from mother to grandmother to great-grandmother, and so on. In other islands, the men owned the family possessions and traced their ancestry through their father’s kin. The basic unit of organization among all Luxus groups was the family, which included aunts, uncles, cousins, and other relatives. Some island tribes further organized the families into clans. All families participated in community decision-making. In the late 1400s, on the eve of the encounter with the Dark Ages, the rhythms of Luxus life were well-established.

The Arrival of the Feudal System

In the late 1400s, a sudden change occurred in the Luxerian traditions and communities. They shifted, becoming based on the social hierarchy. Nobles held most of the wealth and power at the top of the hierarchy. At the bottom labored the peasants, who constituted the majority of the people. The nobility offered their peasants land and protection. In return, the peasants supplied the nobles with livestock or crops and sometimes with military service. Within the social structure, few individuals moved beyond the position into which they were born. This sudden change was generally accepted by the Luxerians. The merchant class began earning a profit from trade, growing in size, and eventually forming the bourgeoisie. The system of feudalism was established by the dominant nobles of the archipelago. Nobles of the larger islands exercised dominance over the smaller islands. From this experience, Luxerian nobles learned the advantages of using the plantation system. They also learned the economic benefits of using forced labor. Surplus from agriculture was distributed to the citizens, which exploited the slaves who worked the fields.

In the early 1500s, when the rising bourgeois class grew large enough, they decided to overpower the nobles and institute a different system. The bourgeois class decided to use their new power for personal and financial gain by manipulating the nobles into doing their bidding. The slaves, on the other hand, were dubbed “the proles” (short-term for proletariat) and were kept in the same position that they were in since the 1400s. Tensions between the proletariat and the nobles began to increase. The proletariat felt that the nobles did not represent their group’s interests and only served the interests of the bourgeois. With the rise of the bourgeois came the concepts of nation-states.

One of the noble families called the House of Ferreiro, was able to hold a crucial role in the formation of the Luxerian state by establishing their domain over the country’s capital, Santangel, on the island of Arriaga on March 31, 1547. Since then, they steadily increased their power and influence until it grew to cover the entirety of the Luxerian realm. On August 2, 1589, the Ferreiro household was recognized as the royal house of Luxlein, cementing the Ferreiro monarchy as the ruler of the Luxerian Empire. José Manuel de Ferreiro, at the age of 35, became the first King of the Luxerian Empire. He established a de jure absolute monarchy, a system which became known as the Ancient Regime. In practice, the power of the monarchy was typically checked by the nobility, the House of Ferreiro, national and local customs, and, above all, the threat of insurrection.

The Ferreiro Period

In the late 1700s, the existing system and new ideas clashed. There had been 18 uprisings aimed at overthrowing the nobles of one or more islands. Aritz Zamorano de Ferreiro, at the age of 19, acceded to the throne as the 5th King of the Luxerian Empire on May 10, 1774. His first decision as King was to build a principal royal residence large enough to hold the entire royal court and Luxerian government and transform it into a setting for elaborate entertainment on a grand scale. By 1780, construction of the “Palace of Ferreiro” was complete, and he proclaimed the palace to be his principal residence and the seat of the government and was able to give rooms in the palace to all of his courtiers. Although this was not public knowledge at the time of its completion, the royal family spent almost LXA ₴ 2 billion in the Palace.

By around this time, every island had people we call local elites. These were political and social leaders in their city or town. Most of them were educated people, such as lawyers, doctors, and writers. Their thoughts carried weight. Some of the local elite were close to the ruling circles of the aristocracy, made up of governors, tax collectors, and other officials who represented the House of Ferreiro. These local elites were disturbed by the rising disorder. They feared that if the social order of the islands were overturned, their property and importance would be harmed. Then the elites saw a way to protect themselves and their positions. They decided to turn the rebellious energy of the proles against the House of Ferreiro and its officials.

The local elites organized the rebellious energy of the proletariat, eventually leading them to “break away” from the system and proclaiming on April 26, 1789, the creation of the National Council for the Revolutionary Command, an assembly of “the People.” Members of the National Council for the Revolutionary Command pledged to “never separate, to meet wherever circumstances demand until the constitution of the kingdom is established and affirmed on solid foundations of equal representation.” King Aritz Zamorano de Ferreiro refused to meet with the National Council for the Revolutionary Command to address several key issues, including how to avoid an upcoming drought that threatened the prospect of the summer harvests. Storms and floods also destroyed much of the harvest between May and June. Price inflation and severe shortages in Luxlein became commonplace, as did local incidents of violence in the marketplace.

Restoration and Revolution

On the morning of October 5, 1789, a group of women who were infuriated by the chronic shortage and high price of bread started to march from markets of the Southern region of Arriaga towards the capital and the Palace of Ferreiro. Their numbers continued to grow and with restless energy, the group began to march. More women from other nearby marketplaces joined in, with several bearing kitchen blades and pitchforks. As more and more women – and men – arrived, the crowd outside the gates to the Palace grounds reached between six and seven thousand, and perhaps as many as ten thousand. Thousands of the king’s National Guardsmen who had heard the news started to assemble on the opposite side of the gates, guarding them. Their commander-in-chief discovered to his dismay that his soldiers were largely in favor of the march and were being egged on by agitators to join and open the gates to the public.

After convincing the soldiers to open the gates, the mob stormed the palace in search of the king and queen. The royal family and their court were captured, arrested, and sent to the Santangel prison. The National Council for the Revolutionary Command declared Luxlein to be a Republic and abolished the monarchy. Aritz Zamorano de Ferreiro was stripped of all of his titles and honors. On December 11, among crowded and silent streets, the deposed king was brought from the Santangel prison to stand before the National Council for the Revolutionary Command and hear his indictment, an accusation of high treason and crimes against the State. He, alongside the entire House of Ferreiro and the whole royal court, was found guilty and sentenced to death. They were beaten, stabbed, and had their bodies thrown out the window to the general public. Their bodies were lynched in the street and hung on lampposts all over the city.

Often viewed as a turning point in Luxerian history, the execution of every living member of the House of Ferreiro inspired various reactions around the country. To some, their deaths at the hands of their former subjects symbolized the long-awaited end of an unbroken two-hundred-year period of absolute monarchy in Luxlein and the true beginning of democracy within the nation. The Constitutional Revolution convinced most of the Luxerians of the need for unity and strength, which helped them prepare a draft constitution and present it to the people on January 1, 1790. Considered one of the most important political documents in Luxerian history, the constitution provided the system of a unitary presidential constitutional republic. Referendums were made mandatory for any amendment of this constitution. This new constitution also brought a legal end to the monarchy and the nobility. An important clause of the constitution was that it could be rewritten completely if this was deemed necessary, thus establishing it to evolve as a whole rather than being modified one amendment at a time.

Luxlein's Golden Age (1790 - 1844)

With the abolition of the monarchy and the declaration of a republic, Samuel Olloqui was chosen by the National Council for the Revolutionary Command to become the country’s first de facto president on January 10, 1790. The country’s name became the Republic of the United Islands of Luxlein (which in 1805 was changed to United Republics of Luxlein). The country’s first years as a republic were dominated by preparations for the official establishment of the government that would replace the National Council for the Revolutionary Command. As de facto president, Olloqui faced a defining test for the country’s newborn democracy: the implementation of the first federal elections following the ratification of the constitution on January 1, 1790. The federal elections were meant to be held on November 5, 1792. Within academia, there is a widespread belief that any theory that labels the country’s government system between 1790 and 1792 as a unitary presidential constitutional republic is misleading. Most scholars believe that it was an authoritarian directorial revolutionary republic.

When the federal elections were held on November 5, 1792, Olloqui won by a wide margin. As Luxlein’s first democratically-elected head of state, the country saw sweeping and radical shifts in social and economic policy, embracing a free-market economy with income redistribution and social welfare programs. Their consolidation into one unified nation-state led to international trade. With the sale of bananas, sugar cane, coffee, and other commodities to foreign markets, the economy grew throughout the islands. During this period, the prospect of a reasonably comfortable life for most Luxerians became attainable. The Olloqui administration fostered science and the arts, promoted respect for the laws and the rights of citizens, guaranteed freedom of the press and freedom of thought, established civil marriage and divorce, and respected freedom of association. These were all changes that the working class wanted to implement to eliminate the monopolized power and wealth the aristocrats held in the past. An important tool was the construction of railways to open up the mineral and agricultural areas.

During the 1810s and 20s, the Government of Luxlein tentatively supported several proposals to establish chartered companies to expand their trade routes. Exports rose rapidly throughout the century. By 1830, technological advances facilitated businesses from Luxlein to establish small trading posts along the coast of Terran, but they seldom moved inland, preferring to stay near the sea and trade with locals. However, Luxerian commercial interests in Terran meant that large amounts of capital flowed between the trading posts and Luxlein, allowing them to expand both geographically and financially.

The Infamous Decades (1844 - 1876)

The Infamous Decades were the years in which Luxlein saw an era of rapid economic growth, yet clashed with an era of abject poverty and inequality. The nation was rapidly expanding its economy into new areas, especially heavy industries like factories, railroads, and mining. A few large corporations dominated farming and mining. Several monopolies—most famously Luxlein Consolidated Diamond Mines Limited (LCDM Ltd) —came to dominate markets by keeping prices low when competitors appeared; they grew at a rate four times faster than that of the competitive sectors. Labor unions grew steadily in the industrialized cities in the. Strikes organized by labor unions became routine events as the gap between the rich and the poor widened.

The political landscape was notable in the sense that, despite some corruption, election turnout was very high, and national elections saw political parties rising to national recognition, such as the Luxerian People’s Party and the Luxerian Autonomist Party. minor parties came and went, especially on issues of concern to labor unions and farmers.

The Progressive Era (1876 - 1948)

Hector Gorka Racionero became President of the United Republics of Luxlein after having won the presidential elections on November 5, 1876. His presidency oversaw the beginning of one of the country’s most successful periods in history with great social and economic advancement. The country’s overall economic improvement was developed through agricultural modernization, foreign investment, and new railroads and ports. This also led to the implementation of an extensive public healthcare system. Racionero was the architect of the country’s foreign policy, introducing “non-alignment in peacetime and neutrality in wartime.” This enabled the country to continue exporting its goods to its trading partners, as well as to issue credit to other countries.

Numerous administrations followed that primarily addressed problems within the domestic sphere. Most of the issues were largely due to the country’s aggressive push for industrialization. Nevertheless, these policies remained a central part of the Government.


Decline and Military Dictatorship (1948 - 1976)

Joaquín Guillermo Lavín won the 1948 presidential elections as the leader of the Liberal Alliance Coalition. On November 5, 1948, he obtained a narrow victory of 48.38% to 47.87% over Marcos Rayan Domínguez, an independent, with 2.74% going to a third candidate (Lucas Aisa Avilés) of the Luxerian Radical Party. Both Lavín and Domínguez promised to further nationalize the mineral industry and redistribute land and income among other new policies. In office, Lavín pursued a policy that included the nationalization of certain large-scale industries (notably mining), the healthcare system, a program of free milk for children, and land redistribution. By May 1950, his administration had already partly nationalized the mining industry by acquiring a 51% share in foreign-owned mines.

In the beginning, there was broad support in the National Congress to expand the government's already large role in the economy. However, the government's efforts to pursue these policies led to strong opposition from landowners, some middle-class sectors, the rightist Radical Party, and financiers. By 1951, the Liberal Alliance Coalition started to become plagued with factionalism. The economy was battered by a prolonged and sometimes simultaneous wave of strikes led by some of the historically well-off sectors of Luxerian society. The largest strike during Lavín’s presidency was in March 1951 and was led by the ultra-nationalist Revolutionary Nationalist Movement. Organized by students of the Autonomous University of Santangel’s Economics Department, they decreed an indefinite strike, paralyzing the country. It was soon joined by small businesses, some (mostly professional) labor unions, and a few more student groups.

A military coup overthrew Lavín on April 14, 1951. The Armed Forces had set up many roadblocks. Several armed soldiers broke into the Presidential Palace and arrested the President, the Prime Minister, and the cabinet. They were taken down to the cellar of the Palace and were executed. A military government, led by General Daniel Ligüerre Videla, took over control of the country. It abolished civil liberties, dissolved the National Congress, banned union activities, prohibited strikes, and erased the Lavín administration's economic reforms.

The first years of the regime were marked by human rights violations. The junta jailed, tortured, and executed hundreds of thousands of Luxerians. The majority of those targeted were those thought to be threats to the military junta. The junta embarked on a radical program of liberalization, deregulation, and privatization, slashing tariffs as well as government welfare programs and deficits. Economic reforms were drafted by a group of technocrats who became known as the UAS Mafia because many of them had been trained or influenced by José Andrés Piñera at the Autonomous University of Santangel.

Serious social tension, mounting charges of corruption, weak local leadership, and the Fiscal Crisis of 1976 discredited the military regime. It also profoundly influenced the actions of civilians who opposed the dictatorship.

Transition Period (1976 - 1980)

A transition from one form of government to another, especially from dictatorship to democracy, is typically difficult and fraught with uncertainty and anxiety for the country that undertakes it. Luxlein’s transition was no different as old-guard bureaucrats, new political elites, and student activists sought to affirm their respective positions in society.


Return to Democracy (1980 - Present)

On November 5, 1980, Luxerians went to the polls to choose a president and national, municipal, and local officials. Independent observers found the elections to have been fair and honest. The country returned to constitutional rule after Vicente Martin Del Fusté, candidate of the Democratic Party (Partido Democrata), received 96.65% of the popular vote for president. He began his first 4-year term of office on January 20, 1981. Five days later, he created the National Unity Commission of Investigation into the Human Rights Violations Committed by the Government Junta (Luxerian: Comisión de Unidad Nacional de Investigación de las Violaciones a los Derechos Humanos cometidas por la Junta de Gobierno).


On December 19, 1999, President Ruben Dávila Arán unexpectedly resigned. Under the Constitution of Luxlein, the then Prime Minister of Luxlein Emmanuel Alejandro Ferrant became Acting President of the United Republics of Luxlein. Up until 2016, Luxlein’s politics had been dominated by Emmanuel Alejandro Ferrant, serving as either President or Prime Minister. The economy and standard of living had improved significantly and rapidly during the early period of his time in office as several economic measures were imposed, allowing Luxlein to become the major tax haven it is known today.


Ferrant was elected outright to his first term as president in the 2000 Luxerian Presidential Election and reelected to a second term in 2004. As he was constitutionally limited to two consecutive terms as president at the time, Ferrant served as Prime Minister again from 2008 to 2012 under Marcos Sallent Vaquero. He returned to the Presidency in 2012.

On February 8, 2016, the arrests of the Senior Leadership of the Luxerian Conservative Party caused reactions that led to small demonstrations organized by their supporters. However, protests calling for the President to resign began upon the resurfacing of allegations that Ferrant was personally responsible for the assassination of at least 4 investigative journalists, 3 human rights lawyers, and 2 lawmakers since coming into power. After much deliberation, the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Chancellery of Justice opened an investigation into the country’s situation since the rise of Ferrant to power. This sparked a greater outrage in the public, leading to massive protests. The protests on March 3 drew hundreds of thousands and were reported to have set a protest record, with Luxlein Today estimating the crowd size to be over 500,000. The crowd size was reported to have eclipsed the previous records set when protestors gathered on April 14, 1963, to march peacefully for democracy during the Military Dictatorship.

Ferrant announced on March 8 that he would not seek re-election in the 2016 Luxerian presidential election, but he initially refused to resign as President. But on March 25, he announced that he would resign as President, effective immediately. Prime Minister Maria Sofia Velazquez assumed the powers of the Presidency once the resignation was officially confirmed. Ferrant was later arrested and charged by the International Chancellery of Justice for crimes against humanity. He pled guilty to all counts 5 days later, on March 30.

Government and Politics


According to the Constitution, the country is an asymmetric federation and semi-presidential republic, wherein the President is the head of state and the Prime Minister is the head of government. Luxlein is fundamentally structured as a multi-party representative democracy, with the federal government composed of three branches:

  • Legislative: The bicameral National Congress, made up of the Chamber of Deputies (lower house) and the Senate of the Republics (upper house), adopts federal laws, declares war, approves the ratification of treaties, has the power of the purse, and has the power of impeachment, by which it can remove sitting members of the Government.
  • Executive: The President is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, may negotiate and sign treaties, can veto legislative bills before they become law, and appoints the Prime Minister, the members of the Cabinet, and other officers who administer and enforce federal laws and policies.
  • Judiciary: The Constitutional Court, Supreme Court, and lower federal courts, whose judges are appointed by the Senate of the Republics on the recommendation of the President, interpret laws and can overturn laws they deem unconstitutional.

The president is elected directly through a popular vote to a four-year term. The law prohibits anyone from ever being elected to the presidency for a third consecutive term.

Administrative Divisions


Political Parties


Political Culture

A long tradition of social tolerance has influenced Luxerian criminal justice policies on recreational drugs, prostitution, LGBTQIA+ rights, euthanasia, and abortion, which are largely liberal.


The Luxerian Armed Forces are divided into the Ground Forces, Air Force, and Naval Forces.

Human Rights and Corruption

Human rights in Luxlein are codified in the Constitution, which compiles the legal rights of its citizens. The Constitution protects these rights and includes amendments and national referendums. From the 1980s until the early 2000s, the country was generally considered a nation where civil liberties and fundamental political freedom were not only respected but also reinforced by the government. However, between the time Emmanuel Ferrant took office in January 2001 and his resignation in March 2016, the country’s human rights management was increasingly criticized by leading democracy and human rights watchdogs. Before his resignation, the government had imposed significant limitations against certain groups, particularly those who advocated for the purge of officers with dubious human rights records in both the military and the police.


The years that Luxlein has ruled under Ferrant have been described by political scientists as incorporating a lack of transparency in governance, cronyism, nepotism, and pervasive corruption. This view has been supported by many, but it has also been characterized as "a systemic and institutionalized form" by others.

With President Ferrant’s resignation, Acting President Maria Sofia Velazquez intends to renew confidence in the country’s democratic institutions and ensure that ethics and transparency are upheld within the Government.

Legal System


Foreign Relations and Foreign Policy

Luxlein maintains diplomatic and commercial relations with practically all nations. Historically, Luxlein’s foreign policy has been based on the principle of non-alignment in peacetime and neutrality in wartime. Luxlein’s government has pursued an independent course of nonalignment in times of peace so that neutrality would be possible in the event of war. This historic policy of neutrality led to the creation of the World Congress in 1984, based in Santangel.

Several scholars have argued that Luxlein’s 21st-century approach to foreign relations has attempted to become more engaging in the international community. Through its foreign policy, in addition to promoting democracy and alignment with human rights issues, Luxlein has sought to elevate its standing among the international system's small powers and middle powers and earn recognition from the great powers.

Luxlein is in the works of creating the Santangel International Partnership, an economic union that would promote intergovernmental cooperation and facilitate economic, political, educational, and sociocultural integration among its members and other countries.

Nonalignment and Neutrality

The country’s neutrality and nonalignment policy are partly responsible for why the country has been able to stay out of foreign wars since the establishment of the modern nation-state in 1792. Government leaders have favored national liberation movements that enjoy broad support among developing world countries. The policy of neutrality ensures Luxlein's credibility and impartiality as the seat of the World Congress.

International Law

The beginning of the 21st century has been marked by Luxlein’s attempts to play a more significant, active, and independent role in international affairs. This is especially noticeable with the enhanced role of the International Chancellery of Justice and the World Congress.

International Humanitarian Effort

Luxlein has recently taken a strong interest in the current situation affecting the Second United Kingdom of Meltor. As the conflict in Meltor intensified and in light of the human rights violations perpetrated, the Government of Luxlein has taken a more critical stance on the issue while maintaining its neutrality. It is alleged that a humanitarian initiative, the Luxlein Observer Mission in Meltor, has been proposed as a viable option and has been in the works for some time.

Democracy Promotion

Luxerian foreign policy attitudes toward democracy promotion have changed significantly from the twentieth to the twenty-first centuries, with the former largely dominated by a nominal commitment to democratic change and the latter witnessing intensified efforts at democratization.

After Ferrant’s rise to power in the late 1990s, many government officials questioned the lack of large-scale Luxerian democracy promotion mechanisms throughout the international community, viewing democracy as a means of promoting stability. This resulted in a ramping-up of diplomatic rhetoric on the necessity of democratization and reform abroad.

Luxerian democracy promotion priorities are outlined in specific terms by agencies of the Government of Luxlein tasked with funding projects, as well as government-established, private granting institutions. Among these are the Luxerian Agency for International Development Cooperation (ALCID), the Luxerian Department of Foreign Affairs, and the National Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FNDD).

Academics have criticized Luxerian democracy promotion for the lack of any data to conduct studies that might measure Luxlein’s success rate in exporting democracy abroad. Until recently, many scholars have generally agreed with international relations professor Liam Botero that “until we can put this theory into action, the idea that a small country such as Luxlein can make a difference by backing democratic regime change is purely that- theory.”

With Luxlein hoping to become a more active participant in the post-war phase of the crisis in Meltor, analysts argue that Luxlein’s involvement in Meltor will be the country’s first opportunity to export democratic institutions, processes, and values abroad.

Policy and Doctrine



The Miracle of 1981

The Miracle of 1981 was a term coined by economist José Andrés Piñera to describe the reorientation of the Luxerian economy in the 1980s and the effects of the economic policies applied by Luxerian economists who collectively studied at the Autonomous University of Santangel, where Piñera taught. Until his death, Piñera applied the term to what he believed were the radical market-oriented reforms imposed by the Military Dictatorship, which led to the re-establishment of democratic institutions.

However, this was proven to be false, as many of the top Luxerian economists who studied at the Autonomous University of Santangel advocated for free market economic reforms yet heavily criticized Piñera’s praise for the Military Dictatorship’s human rights violations. The Fiscal Crisis of 1976 forced many of the prominent Luxerian economists who were once part of the so-called UAS Mafia to see the reality of the situation, as the Military Dictatorship’s economic reforms led to drastic increases in unemployment, loss of purchasing power, extreme inequalities in the distribution of income, and severe socio-economic damage. Those who abandoned Piñera’s School of Thought were appointed in the early stages of Vicente Martin Del Fusté’s presidency and their work has been credited with helping bring Luxelin back from dire economic conditions.

The Miracle of 1981 began following President Del Fusté’s decision to enact the most comprehensive components of economic reform. With the primary goal of transforming formerly state-owned enterprises into profit-seeking businesses to lessen their dependence on government subsidies for their survival, some reforms led to a partial privatization because the Government had obtained ownership positions in several corporations and retained control in key areas.

Financial Services and Banking

The country is considered a global financial hub by many leading financial analysts, economists, and politicians, with Luxlein offering world-class corporate bank account facilities. Luxerian neutrality and national sovereignty have fostered a stable environment in which the banking sector was able to develop and thrive. However, there has been an increasing concern about Luxlein’s banking secrecy laws and its reputation as a tax haven, mainly because Luxlein’s banks have served as safe havens for the wealth of dictators, despots, mobsters, arms dealers, corrupt officials, and tax cheats of all kinds.

Precious Stones and Metals

Luxlein is well-endowed in precious stones and precious metals within the mining sector. It is the world's world's largest producer of diamonds and is a big producer of amethyst, topaz, agate, tourmaline, emerald, aquamarine, garnet, and opal. The government strongly supports foreign investment in the sector and has modified its industry laws and regulations to create a favorable investment environment for foreigners. Thanks to progressive legislation and a healthy investment environment, Luxlein has become the gemstone capital of the world, producing over 1/3 of the global gemstone output.

Although there are some reports of diamond exports from Luxlein as early as the eighteenth century, modern industrial diamond mining as we know it today began in 1912, when gemstones were discovered on the Island of the Valdinos. Many environmental policies have been enacted since 1939 due to the threat that mining poses to ecosystems and biodiversity in many regions of the world.

Diamond and gold mines have been under active development since 1985 under many agreements signed with the private sector.

Agriculture and Food Processing

While recognized for its sugarcane, coffee, and bananas, Luxlein is also focused on exporting high-value tropical products such as grape, apple, kiwi, peach, plum, and hazelnuts. Luxlein’s geographical position leads to an agricultural season cycle opposite to those of the principal consumer markets. Luxlein is also one of the top producers of maize, papaya, tobacco, pineapple, cotton, coconut, watermelon, lemon, cocoa, avocado, tangerine, mango, palm oil, and natural rubber.


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The climate of the area is tropical, varying from tropical rainforest in some areas to tropical monsoon and tropical savanna in others. Some locations have arid climates with considerable drought in some years, and the peaks of mountains tend to have cooler temperate climates.

Rainfall varies with elevation, size, and water currents. Warm, moist trade winds blow constantly from the east, creating both rainforest and semi-arid climates across the region.

While the region generally is sunny much of the year, the wet season from May through November sees more frequent cloud cover (both broken and overcast), while the dry season from December through April is more often clear to mostly sunny. Seasonal rainfall is divided into 'dry' and 'wet' seasons, with the latter six months of the year being wetter than the first half. The air temperature is hot much of the year, varying from 25 to 33 °C (77 to 91 °F) between the wet and dry seasons. Seasonally, monthly mean temperatures vary from only about 5 °C (9 °F) in the northernmost regions to less than 3 °C (5 °F) in the southernmost areas of the area.

Sea surface temperatures change little annually, normally running from 30 °C (86 °F) in the warmest months to 26 °C (79 °F) in the coolest months. The air temperature is warm year-round, in the 20s and 30s °C (70s, 80s, and 90s °F).











Fashion has been an important industry and cultural export of Luxlein since the turn of the 18th century. Today, Santangel acts as the center of the fashion industry and holds the name of the global fashion capital. The city is home to many prime designers, including Francisco Fuster, Celia Carreiro, Yeray Sartori, Ona Baztán, Gemma Castañeda, and Adan Herrera.

Fashion design and production became prominent in Luxlein during the reign of the Ferreiro monarchy. The association of Luxlein with fashion and style (Luxerian: la moda) dates largely to the reign of Aritz Zamorano de Ferreiro when the luxury goods industries in Luxlein came increasingly under royal control and the Luxerian royal court became, arguably, the arbiter of taste and style in Luxlein. However, after the Luxerian Constitutional Revolution in 1790, the National Council for the Revolutionary Command decided that the excess portrayed in the luxury goods industry “is not suited as a Luxerian cultural export.” Nevertheless, the country’s attitude towards fashion changed at the turn of the 19th century, and fashion exploded into a rich industry (both for exportation and local consumption).

Over the decades, fashion and style changed with the modernization of popular culture. This caused the decentralization of the fashion industry, leading to the creation of luxury districts and avenues outside of Santangel. The cities of Toledano, Fortaleza, and Callao are well known as places of pleasure, annually hosting many celebrities, media personalities, and billionaires. The clothing of Luxlein is famous throughout the world. The National Endowment for the Arts (Luxerian: Fundación Nacional de las Artes), an independent agency of the Luxerian government, helped establish the Council of Fashion Designers of Luxlein (Luxerian: Consejo de Diseñadores de Moda de Luxlein). In addition to hosting the annual CDML Fashion Awards, the organization is in charge of organizing Santangel Fashion Week, a series of events held biannually, with spring/summer and autumn/winter events held each year. The events consist of Luxerian and international fashion collections being presented to buyers, the press, and the general public.








Luxerian philosophy is historically significant and has influenced modern-day philosophy as a whole for centuries, particularly in areas such as international law and international relations. Among the most important theories developed in Luxlein is Santangelism (Luxerian: Santangelismo), a tradition of thought in international relations theory founded by famous scholar Denis Rabellini that can be thought to revolve around these principles:

  • It encourages more international cooperation and less conflict among states;
  • It promotes the implementation of international institutions and organizations, that can provide a forum to resolve disputes in a non-violent way; and
  • It believes that, through the spread of democracy, interstate war will be less frequent.